The Israel of the Alps

Chapter 1

Origin, Manners, Doctrine, and Organization of the Vaudois Church in Ancient Times

The Vaudois of the Alps are, in my opinion, primitive Christians, or descendants and representatives of the primitive church, preserved in these valleys from the corruptions successively introduced by the Church of Rome into the religion of the gospel. It is not they who have separated from Catholicism, but Catholicism which has separated from them by changing the primitive religion.

Hence arises the impossibility of assigning any precise date for the commencement of their history. The Church of Rome, which at first also was a part of the primitive church, did not change all at once; but as it became powerful, it adopted, along with the sceptre, the pomp, the pride, and the spirit of domination which usually accompany the possession of power; whilst, in the retirement of the Vaudois valleys, that primitive church was reduced to an obscure existence, retaining its freedom in its isolation, and thenceforth little tempted to abandon the pure simplicity of its first days. The independence of the diocese of Milan, to which the Christians of the Alps then belonged, and that of which the episcopal see of Turin gave evidence, by opposing the worship of images in the 9th century,[2] must have contributed to their security in that situation.

The Vaudois have been represented as deriving their origin from Valdo of Lyons, and it is indisputable that that reformer had disciples to whom he left the name of Vaudois; but this is not sufficient to prove that the Vaudois of the Alps derive their origin from him. Many circumstances, on the contrary, seem to establish their existence anterior to his time,[3] and perhaps it was from them that he derived the name by which he is now known.[4]

The Vaudois valleys could not always preserve that unnoticed independence in which their security consisted. Catholicism having gradually attired itself in new forms of worship unknown to the apostles, made the contrast daily more striking between its pompous innovations, and the ancient simplicity of the Vaudois. In order, therefore, to reduce them to the despotic unity of Rome, there were sent against them the agents of a ministry equally unknown to apostolic times. These were the inquisitors.[5] In consequence of the resistance which they encountered in these retired mountainous regions, the valley of Lucerna was placed under ban.[6] But this measure served only to make more manifest the line of demarcation betwixt the two churches; for whilst the Vaudois had not schismatically separated themselves from the Catholic Church, whose external forms they still retained, they had their own clergy, their own religious service, and their own parishes.

Their pastors were designated Barbas.[7] It was in the almost inaccessible solitude of a deep mountain-pass that they had their school, where the whole influences of external nature were opposed to anything soft and yielding in the soul.[8] They were required to commit to memory the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. John, the general epistles, and a part of those of St. Paul. They were instructed, moreover, during two or three successive winters, and trained to speak, in Latin, in the Romance language, and in Italian. After this they spent some years in retirement, and then were set apart to the holy ministry by the administration of the Lord's Supper, and by imposition of hands. They were supported by the voluntary contributions of the people. These were divided annually in a general synod: one part was given to the ministers, one to the poor, and the third was reserved for the missionaries of the church.

These missionaries always went forth two and two, to wit, a young man and an old one. The latter was called the Regidor, and his companion the Coadjutor. They traversed Italy, where they had stations organized in many places, and secret adherents in almost all the towns. At Venice they reckoned 6000;[9] at Genoa they were not less numerous. Vignaux speaks of a pastor of the valley of Lucerna, who was away from it for a period of seven years.[10] The Barba Jacob was returning from a missionary tour in 1492, when he was arrested by the troops of Gattanée on the Col de Coste-Plane, as he passed from the valley of Pragela to that of Freyssinières;[11] and the records[12] of judicial investigations directed against the Vaudois from 1350 to 1500, and so often quoted by Bossuet,[13] make mention also of the characteristic circumstance of these habitual journeys.

What a delightful and truly festival time it must have been to these scattered Christians, when the missionary pastor came amongst them, expected all the year with the certainty of the regularly returning seasons!--a time soon past, but fraught with blessings, and in which the fruits of the soul and the harvest of the Lord made progress towards maturity.

Each pastor was required to become missionary in his turn. The younger ones were thus initiated into the delicate duties of evangelization--each of them being under the experienced guidance of a man of years, who, according to the discipline of his church, was his superior, and whom he was bound to obey in everything, as matter of duty, and not merely out of deference. The old man, on his part, thus made his preparation for repose, by training for the church successors worthy of it and of himself. His task being accomplished, he could die in peace, with the consolatory assurance of having transmitted the sacred trust of the gospel into prudent and zealous hands.

Besides this, the Barbas received instructions in some trade or profession, by which they might be enabled to provide for their own wants. Some were hawkers, others artisans, the greater part physicians or surgeons, and all were acquainted with the cultivation of the soil and the keeping of flocks, to the care of which they had been accustomed in their early years. Very few of them were married; and their perpetual missions, their poverty, their missionary tours, their life always spent amidst warfare and dangers, make it easy to understand the reason of their celibacy.

In the annual synod, which was held in the valleys, inquiry was made concerning the conduct of the pastors, and changes of residence were made amongst them. The Barbas actually employed in the ministry, were changed from place to place every three years--two of them always exchanging places with one another, except the aged men, who were no longer removed. A general director of the church was named at each synod, with the title of president or moderator. The latter title became more prevalent, and continues to this day.

The Vaudois Barbas were bound to visit the sick, whether sent for or not. They nominated arbiters in disputes; they admonished those who behaved ill, and if remonstrances produced no effect, they went the length of excommunication; but it was very rare. Their preaching, catechizing, and other exercises of instruction and devotion, were generally similar to those of the Reformed churches, except that the worshippers pronounced, with a low voice, the prayer which preceded and that which followed the sermon. The Vaudois had likewise hymns, which they only sung in private; which, moreover, agrees with what we know of the customs of the primitive church.

Their doctrines were equally analogous, or rather were remarkably identical with those of the apostolic times, and of the earliest fathers of the church. They may be briefly summed up in these few words:--The absolute authority and inspiration of the Bible[14]-- the Trinity in the Godhead[15]--the sinful state of man[16]--and free salvation by Jesus Christ[17]--but above all, faith working by love.[18]

It may, perhaps, surprise many to be told that, before the Reformation, the Vaudois never disputed with the Romish Church the number of the sacraments which it received.[19] They, in fact, contented themselves with remarking that Jesus Christ instituted only two of them; and as the gospel, upon which they always founded, had not formally indicated that number, nor even made use of the word sacrament, it was very natural for them to acquiesce concerning this point in the decision of the church, as they afterwards did in that of the Reformers.[20]

They admitted Confession;[21] but let us observe in what circumstances. Confession, say they, is of two kinds; the first must be made to God from the inmost heart; without which, no one can be saved.[22] The second kind is that which is made with audible voice to the priest, in order to receive counsel from him; and this confession is good, when that of the heart has preceded it. But, alas! many confide only in the latter, and fall into perdition.[23]

They admitted the sacrament of Repentance, but again let us note how. "Acts of repentance are excellent, and becoming on the part of every sinner; but they must proceed from abhorrence of sin, and sorrow for having committed it. Otherwise it is a false repentance, and a false repentance alienates a man from God as much as a true repentance brings him near to him."[24] Such a false repentance is that which reposes upon vain satisfactions; for what good thing can you do that you were not bound in duty to have done? and if you do not those things which you ought, what shall you substitute for them! The whole world could not deliver us from our sins; but he alone has made satisfaction for them, who is both Creator and creature at once, namely Christ.[25]

Therefore, with good reason, they add that idolatry has no other cause than these false opinions by which Antichrist takes away grace, truth, authority, invocation, and intercession from God, in order to ascribe them to the ministry and to the works of his own hands, namely, the saints and purgatory.[26]

The Vaudois, however, do not cease to recommend almsgiving,[27] as a means of fighting against sin, by the giving up of those riches which might have served as its instrument, and by the help of the prayers of the poor thus solicited.[28] It is with the same object that they recommend fasting, by which a man is humbled;[29] but fasting without charity is like a lamp without oil, it smokes and does not give light.[30] Prayer is, according to them, essentially implied in love;[31] and they add that patience, and constancy, and gentleness, and resignation, and charity, are the seal of the Christian.[32] As for those who would devolve upon others the care of their salvation, seeking the prayers of priests and of monks, masses, indulgences, neuvaines, &c., they forget the word of God, which declares that everyone shall bear his own burden.[33] They recommend, indeed, that men should go to the priests, who have the power of binding and of losing;[34] but let us take notice how they understand this, "that is to say, who know how to give good advice for a man's deliverance from the bondage of sin."[35] Not that they expect any absolution from them, for this they designate a delusive thing;[36] but because, they say, as a sick man seeks the best physician who can assist nature in him, and free him from his malady, even so the sinner ought to seek the best counsellor in order to get quit of sin;[37] and that feeling of guiltiness, the strength of which attests the sensibility of the soul in which it is experienced, presses so sore amongst these rustic and ancient Vaudois, that they never cease to bring forward the expression of it again and again in their different works. "We have turned aside from the path of truth. The light of righteousness shines not in us." "The sun of understanding is covered with clouds; iniquity holds us fast in its trammels."[38] "I am weak for that which is good, and strong for that which is evil."[39] In the name of God, my brethren, renounce the world, that you may follow the Lord."[40] "The works of man are of little avail for salvation."[41] Such is their mode of speaking. They like- wise add that it is impossible for man to perform his duties without faith. "Yes, I know that thou canst do nothing by thyself; but call upon the Lord for help, and he will hear thee."[42]

Finally, let us take notice that the Vaudois acknowledged, like the Catholics, the distinction rejected by Protestants, betwixt mortal sins and venial sins;[43] but that they were very far from meaning by these terms to extenuate the heinousness of any sin, because they said of sin in general, "Sin annihilates man, and brings him down from the position which he ought to occupy."[44] These terms, moreover, which may be traced to a very high antiquity in the annals of the church, might be thought to derive countenance from that passage of St. John, "All unrighteousness is sin; and there is a sin not unto death." (1 John 5:17)

The Vaudois had also their own houses of retirement from the world.[45] In the number of the thirty-two propositions which were ascribed to them, and which were affixed upon the gates of the cathedral of Embrun, in 1489, the following occurs, "They deny that a Christian, should ever take an oath." I cannot say, however, that they have anywhere made so absolute a declaration on this subject; but it is certain that they considered it as a fruit of perfection, that truth should never need from the lips of man the guarantee of any kind of oath. The perfect man, said they, ought not to swear;[47] and these words imply, on the other hand, the lawfulness of oaths, from the very absence of perfection, for no one is perfect here below.

Their opposition to the Church of Rome was always founded upon the Bible;[48] the character of a Christian, according to them, was to be found in the Christian life, and the Christian life was a gift of the grace of God.

The Barbas went once a year to each of the scattered hamlets of their parishes,[49] in order to listen to each person apart in a private confession. But this confession had no other object than to obtain the salutary counsels of Christian experience, and not a delusive absolution.

Such was, in its principal features, the state of the Vaudois Church of the middle ages. In a poem in the Romance language, entitled La Nobla Leyczon, and which is of the date of the end of the 11th century, or the commencement of the 12th, the Vaudois are said to have been already persecuted upon account of their customs and their doctrines. We may form a ready notion of that war of a corrupt world against a people, the severe purity of whose manners condemned at once its disorders and its superstitions. "If there be any one of whom it is said, that he will not slander, nor swear, nor lie, nor be guilty of dishonesty, or theft, nor give himself up to dissoluteness, nor revenge himself upon his enemies, they call him a Vaudois, and exclaim 'Death to him!'[52] But these were, unquestionably, nothing more than the results in particular and isolated instances of that hostility which the spirit of evil always excites in the hearts of worldly persons and impenitent sinners, against the visible fruits of evangelical sanctification.

The first measures of a more general character, adopted by the secular authorities for the destruction of the Vaudois, do not appear to have been earlier than the year 1209. At that epoch Otho IV was elected Emperor of the West, at Cologne, by a part of the empire, and crowned at Aix-la-Chapelle. This ceremony took place in 1198; but, in 1206, he was defeated by Philip of Swabia, his rival, and retired to England, to the court of King John, his uncle. He returned two years afterwards, having heard of the death of his rival. He was then recognized by the diet of Frankfort; and in the following year he repaired to Rome, in order to be crowned emperor by Pope Innocent III, who had always favoured him in opposition to Philip. On this journey he passed through Piedmont; but Thomas, the then reigning Count of Savoy, had taken part against him in his disputes with Philip, who, in recompense for his support, had given him the towns of Quiers, Testona, and Modon. Otho IV, irritated against the old partisan of his rival, thought good to avenge himself of him by weakening his power within his own states, and for this purpose he gave to the Archbishop of Turin, who was a prince of the empire,[53] authority to destroy the Vaudois by force of arms. So that the long course of successive persecutions through which they were to pass, was not commenced by the Duke of Savoy, but by his enemies; and when, at a later period, the house of Savoy itself adopted the same methods of cruelty and depopulation, it was never of its own spontaneous movement, but from foreign influences, of which the most pressing were those of the court of Rome.

The branch of the Counts of Piedmont reigned for 176 years, and the last four of them bore the title of Princes of Achaia, Their residence was at Pignerol, and you will not find, says the Marquis of Beauregard, in his Historical Memoirs,[54] that these princes, who dwelt so close to the Vaudois, or the first Marquises of Saluces, ever persecuted them. It has even been supposed that some of the Counts of Lucerna,[55] immediate vassals of the empire, and principal lords of these valleys, at a very ancient period, were partakers of their religious opinions.

Thus was the primitive church preserved in the Alps to the very period of the Reformation. The Vaudois are the chain which unites the reformed churches with the first disciples of our Saviour. It is in vain that Popery, renegade from evangelical verities, has a thousand times sought to break this chain; it resists all her efforts. Empires have crumbled--dynasties have fallen--but this chain of scriptural testimony has not been broken, because its strength is not from men, but from God.

Notes:

  1. Authorities.--Ancient Vaudois MSS in the Romance language, deposited in libraries--of Lyons, No. 60; of Grenoble, No. 488 (ancient shelves, 8595); of Geneva, Nos. 43, 206, 207, 208, 209; and of Trinity College, Dublin, class A. IV. 13, class C. V. 18, 21, 22, class C. IV. 17 and 18.
  2. See, in particular, the Life of Claude of Turin, who occupied the episcopal see for more than twenty years after having declared against these innovations.--Basnage, Church History, ii. 1308.
  3. Bernard De Fontcaud (de fonte calido), who died in 1103 (Herzog, De orig, et pristino statu Wald., &c., p. 2), wrote Contra Valdenses et Arianos. He makes no mention of Valdo in this work. The Vaudois are classed with the Arians, but not confounded with them. Eberhard, or Evrard de Bethune {Biblioth. Max. PP. t. xxiv.), the time of whose death is unknown, but cannot be far from that of the preceding author, speaks of the Vaudois without speaking of Valdo, from which it may be inferred that he knew nothing of the latter, who was probably his junior, and that the Vaudois of whom he speaks are anterior to Valdo.--See the Bibliography at the end of this work, part I. sec. ii. § 3, art. xxiv.
  4. In consequence of his probable connection with the Vaudois valleys, for he was a foreign merchant, and his name was Peter.
  5. Driven from the Valley of Angrogna in 1308, they reappeared in that of Lucerna in 1332.--Brief of John XXII, July 20, 1332.
  6. In 1453, by Nicolas V--See the concluding chapter of the Bibliography.
  7. A title of respect; in the Vaudois idiom literally signifying an uncle.
  8. This pass, situated in the valley of Angrogna, is called Pra du Tour.
  9. Gilles p. 20.
  10. Quoted by Perrin, p. 241.
  11. Perrin, p. 241, marginal note 4.
  12. These records formerly belonged to the private library of Colbert, from which they passed to that of the Marquis of Seignelay. Bonnet and Lelong quote them in their dictionaries. I know not what has become of them. A manuscript in folio, in the library of the Little Seminary of Gap, contains a number of fragments of them, which I have consulted.
  13. History of Variations, b. xi. § ci. et seq.
  14. 14 Nos creen .... tot ceo qu'es contenu al velh e al novel Testament esser segella e auctentica d'l sagel d'l sant Sperit ... e tota la ley d'Xt. istar tan ferma en verita que una lettra o un poinet d'ley meseyma, non poissa mancar ni deffalhir.--[We believe that all which is contained in the Old and New Testaments is sealed and authenticated by the seal of the Holy Spirit, ... and that the whole law of Christ is so firmly established in truth, that not one letter nor one point of it can be lacking or fail]--Vaudois MS. of Trinity College Library, Dublin, C, V, 22, under the title Tresor e lume de fe, fol. 176, et seq., and in No. 208 (unpaged) of the Vaudois MSS. of Geneva.
  15. Lo premier article de la nostra fe es que nos creyen en un dio payre tot poissant, ... local dio es un en trenita.--[The first article of our faith is, that we believe in one God, the Almighty Father, ... which God is one in Trinity.]--Authorities as above. Dublin, fol. 180.--Geneva, de li articles d'la fe. See also the catechism, Interrogations menors, published by Perrin, &c.
  16. Nos sen conceopu en pecca e en miseria. Larma tray soczura de pecca. Pecca, noczura, enequita sovent, pensen, parlen, eobren fellonosament.--[We are conceived in sin and in misery. The soul carries along with it a defilement of sin. Sin, defilement, and iniquity attend us; we think, speak, and act wickedly.]--La Barca. MS. of Geneva, No. 207, and of Dublin, No. 21.
  17. This point of doctrine is the special subject of the fourth article of faith set forth in the Dublin MS. No 22, and Geneva MS. No. 208.
    L'hereta celestial, el meseyme, Xrist, filh de dio, promes donar a li veray cootivador de la fe.--[Jesus Christ, himself the Son of God, promises to give the heavenly inheritance to those who truly continue in the faith.]--Geneva MS. 609.
    Nostra salu ... e premierament en la eslecion e donacion de gra delle sua gracia, fayent agradivols, ... secondament en la participacion del merit de notre Segnor Salvador Yeshu Xrist.--[Our salvation is primarily in the election and free gift of his grace, making us agreeable to him. Secondly, in the participation of the merits of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.]--MS. of Dublin, C, V, 25, first piece: Ayczo es la causa del despartiment de la Gleysa Romana.
  18. Non possibla cosa es ali vivent, complir li comandament de dio silh non han la fe : e non puon amar luy perfectament ni cun carita silh non gardan li seo comandament.--[It is impossible for any in this life to fulfil the commandments of God if they have not faith; and they cannot love him perfectly, nor with a proper love, if they keep not his commandments.]--Vaudois MSS. of Geneva, No. 208, fol. 2.
  19. The Vaudois MS. of Dublin, C, V, 22 (left hand side of fol. 181), contains a tract de li set sacrament. This is partly found in the MS. 208 of Geneva, fol. 17-26, and in MS. 209, fol. 9, where marriage is called lo cart sagrament de la gleysa, with this observation:--
    Enayma el fo siosta non despartivolment al cal el es desser garda sant e non socza.--[Although it has been added, not according to an exact classification, yet it ought to be kept holy and not polluted.]
  20. The passages of the Vaudois writings in thn Romance language, which have been the diversity of orthography, which may be remarked in the sane words of different quotations, owing to the difference of copies, or of the era at which they were made; sometimes, but rarely, to the negligence of the copyists; and often to the uncertainty of the orthography itself; before the language was properly formed already published, and which have tended to give currency to a different opinion, either on this question or on the following, must have been modified in the copies which have served as the basis of these publications, for they do not correspond with the primitive text of the most ancient MSS. Many proofs of this might be adduced, but the plan of the present work forbids. It is sufficient for me to guarantee the correctness of my own quotations, which have all been taken from the original MSS.
  21. See Dublin MS. 22, fol. 243, a teq.; Geneva MS. 209, fol. 17,--and 207, ooncluding treatise de la Penitencia, fol. antepenult.; and concerning absolution, which they did not admit, see Dublin MS. 22, fol. 383.
  22. Al repentent se conven la confession, lacal es en dui modo. La promiera es interior, czo es de cor al Segnor dio. ... E sencza aquella confession, alcun non se po salvar.--Geneva MS. 207, final treatise, article Quartament.
  23. La seconda confession es vocal, czo es al preyre, per pilhar conselh de luy, e aquesta confession es bona, cun aquella premiera ... sere devant anna. Ma oylas ! moti home despreczan aquesta interior ... e solament se confidan a la vocal, e aquella creon que lor sia abastant a salu ... e cagic en despercion.--Subsequent part of the same paragraph. See also Geneva MS. 209, treatise de la Penitencia, with some modifications in the terms. The same treatise is to be found in the sixth shelf of MSS. at Dublin, art. 37.
  24. Such is the general import of the treatise on Repentance, Dublin MS. 22; Geneva MS. 207, at the end, and MS. 209, at the beginning.
    En ayma lome sapropria a dio e al regno de li cel per la vera penitenoia; enayma el se delogna de dio e del regne de li cel per la falsa penitencia.--[As much as man draws near to God and to the kingdom of heaven by true repentance, so much does he alienate himself from God and from the kingdom of heaven by a false repentance.]
    La vera es habandonnar lipecca comes et plorar lor, e degitar totas las cayaons de li pecca, e doler se sencza fin, e annar a dio de tot lo cor. ...--[True repentance is to forsake sins which we have committed, and to mourn over them, and to avoid all occasions of sin, lamenting [the commission of sin] without ceasing, and going to God with the whole heart.]
    Donca lo repentent deo irar lo pecca ... e aquilh que non han en odi li pecca de li autre, e non desvian lor segont lo lor poer ... aitals non son veray penitent, &c. (the beginning and end of the treatise.)--[He who repents must therefore hate sin ... and he who does not abhor it even in others, turning them from it to the utmost of his power ... such a man knows nothing of true repentancoe.]
    Encara al pentent conven la satisfaoion, e aquesta es de grev condicion ... per laqual alcun punis la oosa non raczonivol laqual el fey; e aquesta satisfacion perman en tre oosas czo es en oracion, en dejunis e en almosinas, &c.--[There is still one thing of great importance pertaining to him who truly repents, to wit, satisfaction .... by which there are some who punish the unreasonable thing witch they have done; and this satisfaction consists in three things, namely, prayer, fasting, and alms.]--Same treatise de la Penitencia.
  25. En tant sistent punicion o véniancza quant es aquel contra loqual l'a pecca. Donca la pena o loffencza es non mesurivol, e non mesurivol es dio contra loqual ha pecca. Donca oylas, non deoria peccar per alouna oosa, ni encar per tot lo mont. Car tot le mont non poeria deslivrar del pecca. Donca lo es manifest que alcun de si non po satisfar per lo pecca; ma aquel sol satisfare, local es creator e creatura czo es Xrist, local a satisfait per li nostra pecca.--[The pardon or punishment ought in reason to be according to the greatness of him against whom we have sinned. Wherefore there is no more proportion betwixt the punishment and the offence, than there is betwixt God and the sinner. [The offence is infinite against an infinite God.] Wherefore, alas! a man ought not to commit sin for the sake of anything, not even of the whole world, for the whole world oould not deliver us from sin. It is, therefore, manifest that no one, of himself, could offer satisfaction for sin; but that he alone could satisfy who is both creator and creature at once, to wit, Christ, who has satisfied for our sins.]--Extract from Geneva MS. 209, obtained through the obliging attention of M. Tron, minister, native of the Vaudois valleys. It is to be found, also, at the end of MS. 207, and in the Dublin MS. 22, fol. 358.
  26. Non es alouna altra causa didolatria sinon falsa opinion de gratia, de verita, de authorita, d'envocation, d'entrepellacion [intercession], laqual el meseyme Antechrist departie de dio e en li menestier e en las authoritas e en las obros de las soas mans, e a li sanct e al purgatori; e aquesta enequita de Antechrist es dreitament contra de la fe, e contra lo premier comandament de la ley.--Vaudois book ot Antichrist, quoted by Perrin, p. 287, Leger, p. 81, and Monastier, p. 355.
  27. De l'almosina, Geneva MS. 209, p. 21, and in the Vergier de consolacion which concludes the volume. See also the Liber Virtutum of MS. 206, and this last-named treatise in the Dublin MS. 22.
  28. Geneva MS. 209, p. 40.
  29. Id. art. Remedi contra li pecca.
  30. Lo dejuni sencza lalmosina non es alcun ben; czo es sencza lalmosina de carita et es pardonar a li seo enemis e prager per lor; lo dejuni sencza l'almosina es enayma la lucerna sencza holi, laquel fma e non luczis.--[Fasting without almagiving does no good: to wit, without the almagiving of charity, which consists in pardoning our enemies, and praying for them. Fasting without almagiving is like a lamp without oil, which smokes and does not give light.]--Geneva MS. 209, fol. 20.
  31. Aquel non laissa de aurar loqual non laissa damar; e aquel laissa de amar local laissa de aurar.--[He ceases not to pray who never ceases to love; and he ceases to love who ceases to pray.]- Vaudois MS. of Geneva, 209, fol. 8. This admirable sentiment is much more just than that of M. Courier, so often quoted. He who works, prays, and it is more evangelical! In this quotation may be seen an example of the variableness which then prevailed in orthography; local and loqual; damar and de amar.
  32. Donca, non basta a lome de junar et orar et far antrs cosas; car aquestar oosas son petitas; ma sufrir patientament czo que dio permet, play plus a dio que aquellas cosas que lome eilegis de si, cun czo sia que aquellas oosas aiudon.--[Wherefore it is not enough for a man to fast, to pray, and to do other [such like] things; for these things are small. But to suffer patiently what God permits, pleases him more than these things which are of the choice of man himself; however these things contribute to it.]--Geneva MS., end of the volume, and Dublin MSS., vol. vi § 11.
  33. La penitencia es vana lacal es dereczo feria e socza plus greoment. Car li geyment non profeitan alcuna cosa se li pecca son replica. Moti scampan lacrimas non deffalhivolment e non deffalhon de peccar. Cum lome retorne al pecca la cayson es aquesta: car el non es converti a dio de tot lo cor. Es decebivol aquesta penitencia permanent en comprament de messas preypals, en communion annuals e en hinficar capellas ... &c.--[The repentance is vain, which [admittimg of relapse] is again more seriously broken and defiled; for lamentations are good for nothing, if the man falls back into sin. Many cease not to shed tears, and cease not to sin. When a man falls again into sin, the reason is that he has not been converted to God with his whole heart. That repentance is deceitful which is limited to the purchase of presbyterial masses, to annual communions, and the decoration of chapels.]- Passages extracted from the first four paragraphs of the treatise de la Penitencia, Geneva MS. 207, at the end.
  34. Aquel que se vol verament pentir quera lo prever local sapia ligar e desligar.--[He who would truly repent should go to the priest, who knows how to bind and to loose.]--De la Penitencia, art. iv. § 2.
  35. Ligar e desligar, czo es ben conoisse lo pecca," e ben conselhar.--[To bind and to loose, signifies, to discern sins well and to give good counsel [to the sinner].--Geneva MS. 209, art. de la Penitencia.
  36. ... Se cre satisfar par li seo pecca per czo que li es encharja del preire. ... Aquesta penitencia decebivol perman en assolucion preipals. ...--[He supposes he has made satisfaction for [the guilt of] his sins, because he has intrusted the priest with them. ... Such is the delusive repentance which priestly absolution engenders.}--Same treatise, De la Penitencia, No. 207, art. ii. and iii.
  37. Coma fay lo malate per recobrar la sanita oorporal, cerca lo melhor mege ... &c.--[As the sick man does in order to recorer his bodily health, seeking the best physician ... &c.]
    Enayma spiritualment per lo bon conselh de li bon preire ... &c.- [So spiritually, by the counsels of good priests.[50] ... &c.]
    Car silh refudan desser ressemilhadors de li apostol, ilh faren a vos come iuda.--[For if they refuse to be like the apostles, they will serve yon like Judas.]--Same treatise; but in MB. 209, for the last leaves of MS. 207 have been torn off, and are awanting.
  38. Nos haven erra de la via de verita, e lo lume de justicia non luczis a nos, e lo solelh dentendament non nasqne a nos. Nos sen lacza en las vias denequita e sen anna en las vias greos, e haven mesconoysu la via del Segnor.--MS. 207, last treatise, § vi. The following is a literal translation of these last phrases:--"The sun of understanding has not risen [been born] for us; we are entered into the ways of iniquity, and have walked in evil ways, and have not known the ways of the Lord."
  39. Temeros soy a far ben e forment pereozos.
    E ardi a far lo mal e mot evananczos.
    --[I am timorous, and very slow to do good; but courageous and very forward to do eril.]--Vaudois Poems. Confession of Sins, Dublin MSS. C, V, 21.
  40. Prego vos carament per l'amor del Segnor,
    Abandonna lo segle serve a dio oum temor.
    --[I pray you affectionately, by the love of the Lord, to abandon the world, and to serve God without fear.]-Lo Novel Comfort. Geneva MS. 207, and Dublin, 21, first part.
  41. Cant lome ha sapiencia e non ha lo poer
    Dio li o reconta perfait cant el ha bon voler;
    Ma cant elha poisoencza e grant entendament
    Li profeita mot poe cant al seo salvament.
    --[When a man has understanding and has not power, God accounts him perfect, if so be that his will is right; but when a man has [mere] power and [barren] knowledge, this avails him very little for his salvation.]--La Novel Sermon, another Vaudois poem, contained in the same MSS., published entire by Hahn, and fragments of it by Raynouard and Monastier.
  42. Non possibla oosa es a li vivent complir li comandament silh non han la fe. (Geneva MS. 508, fol. 2.) Yo say que tu non poyres far ayczo de tu meseyme; ma apella dio, lo teo ajudador, e el esauczire tu, si tu seres fidel e istares ourios [desirous] de la toa salu.--Geneva MS. 209, fol. 20.
  43. For this see the same MS. 209, fol. 20 and 21; MS. 208, exposicio de li X comandament, at the exposition of the fourth commandment; MS. 207, sensec de la penitencia, art. vi. § 2. This word sensec, which has sometimes been translated sentiment or sensation, signifies merely followeth. It is a form of expression frequently employed in passing from one subject to another; thus, after having treated of spiritual almsgiving (prayers, counsels), the author writes, ara sensec della lmosina corporal, "Here followed of coporal almsgiving."
  44. Lo pecca non es alouna cosa natural, ma es oorrucion del ben, e defet de gracia, car lo pecca aniquilla lome e lo fay defalhir del bon esser.--[Sin is not anything natural [having its existence in the proper nature of things], but is the corruption of good, and want of grace; for sin annihilates man, and deprives him of all good existence [well-being],--Qual cosa sia pecca, Geneva MS. 209, fol. 21.
  45. Alcun d'nos ministres d'levangeli, ni alcunas de las nostras fennas non se maridan.--Exhibition of the practices and doctrines of the Vaudois Church before the Reformation, presented by the Vaudois deputies to the Reformers.--Book of George Morel. MSS. of the Bible in Trinity College, Dublin, C, V, 18. (Dr. Todd, the librarian, has given, at considerable length, a monograph of this MS. in No. 113 of the British Magazine, p. 397, et seq.) Another passage may still be given from this MS. relative to the ordination of the Barbas,[46] and to the subject of this note:--Tuit aquilh liqual se recebon entre de nos en l'offici del ministier evangelic venent la plus part del gardament de las bestias e del coltivament della terra, e de beta de 25 o alcana vecz de 30 ancz, e al pos tot sencza letras. E prove li predit requerent entre de nos, trecz o quatre mecz dyvern, per trecz o quatre ancz, si ilh son de manieras convenivols e agradivols. ... Apres aquestas cosas, li predit requerent son amena en alcun luoc, alcal alcunas nostras fennas, lasquals son nostras, serons[51] en Jeshu Xrist vita en vergeneta; e en aquest luoc li predit demoron on an el alcuna vecz ducs; e poi en apres aquest temp consuma, son receopa cum lo sagrament de la eucharistia, e cum limposicion de las mans en loffici del preverage e della predication; e en apres aiczo li trameten predicar duy a duy.
    These ideas, so precisely expressed, serve to corroborate what we have said before. Part of these details may be found in Schultetus, Annales Evangelii Renovati, and in Ruchat's History of the Reformation in Switzerland, t. iii.
  46. The Barbas, or Vaudois pastors, do not appear to have had a particular dress. An eye-witness describes them as clothed in a long white woollen robe (which probably means nothing more than an ample garment; with long skirts).--National Library of Paris, MSS. of Brienne, vol. 204.--Informations of 25th October, 1541; deposition of the third witness.--Others have seen some of them wearing a gray dress.--Judicial Investigations concerning the Vaudois; MSS. of Trin. Coll. Lib., Dublin, C. V. 19, vol.ix § 18; and in Allix, "Same Remarks," &c., p. 318.
  47. Neun perfect non deoria husar de jurament.--Chap. xvi. of the Vergier de Consolacion, Geneva MS. 209; and Dublin MS. C, IV, 27.
  48. In no polemical writing of the time will we find so large a number of quotations from the Bible as in those of the Vaudois. Many of the passages which they quote are at the present day differently understood, but nowhere was the authority of the Bible ever more respected.
  49. Plebeculam nostram semel singulis annis quia per diversos vices habitant, adimus, ipsamqne personam in confessione clandestine audimus.--Exhibition of the customs of the Vaudois Church, made by its deputies (George Morel and Peter Masson) to the Reformers.--Quoted by Schultetus, Annales Evangeli Renovati, p. 299. We may suppose that the district examination prevailing at the present day in the Vaudois Church are a relic of this custom. Each pastor is bound to go annually to each of the principal hamlets or quarters of his parish, to conduct there a separate religious service, to receive communications, and to give the most oonfidential advices, according to circumstances.--A. M.
  50. It is not to be taken for granted that this word priest was exclusively applied to the Catholic priests; it was probably also a general designation which the Vaudois gave to their pastors; for, in respect to the consecration of these pastors, it is said that they were received into the office of the priesthood, en l'effei del preverage.--Book of George Morel. Dublin MSS. C. V. 18.
  51. To follow on, to continue; hence the word series. This, therefore, is not an error of the transcriber, as has been supposed, and a proposal made to read servon (serve); moreover, it is impossible to say, servon en Jeshu Xrist. The translation of the passage is, spend their life in virginity in Jesus Christ.
  52. I give the text of the passage according to the different versions:--
    ... e nos o poen ver
    Que si n'i a aloun bon que ame a teme Jeshu Xrist
    Que non volha maudire, ni jurar, ni mentir
    Ki avoutrar, ni aucir, ni penre de l'autruy,
    Ni nenjar se de li seo enemis
    Ilh dion qu'es Vaudes e degne de punir.
    --(Raynouard, Selections from the Original Poetry of the Troubadours, ii. 73-103, V. 367-372 of the poem.) This version agrees with that of the Geneva MS. 207; that of the Cambridge MS. published by Morland, pp. 99-120, presents the following text, with which I have contrasted, in italics, the different readings of the version published by Léger, pp. 26-30:--
    ... e nos o poen veyr
    Morland : Que sel ama aloun bon quel vollia amar Dio e temer Jeshu Xrist
    Leger : Que sel se troba alcun bon que vollia amar Dio e temer Jeshu Xrist
    Que non vollia maudire ne jurar [ni jura] ni mentir
    Ni avoutrar, ni aucir [aucire] ni penre de l'autruy
    Ni veniar se de li sio enemio
    Illi diczon [dison] quel es vaudès [Vaudès] e degne de punir [murir].
    The text of the Nobla Leyczon, published by M. Hahn (Geschichte der Waldesnser und verscandter Sekten, Stutgard, 1848), agrees with that of Raynouard.
  53. The title of Prinoe of the Empire had been given in 1160 to the bishops of Turin, Maurienne, and Tarantaise, by Frederic I, with the object also of weakening the house of Savoy, which had abandoned his party to espouse the cause of the pope Adrian IV, in the politics of the time. Ibe papacy has brought ruin even on its supporters.
  54. II. 5.
  55. Some writers have alleged that the arms of the Counts of Lucerna bore, like the seal of the Vandois churches, a torch {lucerna), surrounded by seven stars. But this is an error; the escutcheon of that family bears argent, three bands gules. This cost of arms is, moreover, exhibited above the title oi the Memoire istoriche of Rorengo, in virtue of his title of Conti di Luzerna.