(January to the End of April, 1686.)
On Thursday, the 31st of January, 1686, appeared the fatal edict which caused so much woe in the valleys, and was attended by such consequences, that for some years it was supposed that the Vaudois church had entirely disappeared. This document is so important, that its contents must be fully exhibited.[2]
"The heresy," it is here said; "has found its way from the midst of the valley of Lucerna to the very heart of Piedmont... Our ancestors have often attempted to extirpate it; but in consequence of the aid which the sectaries received from foreign countries, the sacred work of their restoration to the Church of Rome could not be accomplished; and as the principal reason which existed for tolerating them has recently disappeared--through the zeal and piety of the glorious monarch of France, who has brought back to the true faith the heretics bordering upon the Vaudois valleys--we think he would have cause to accuse us of ingratitude for his distinguished favours, which we still enjoy, if we were to allow the opportunity to escape of executing this important design, according to the intention which our glorious predecessors have always entertained." Such is a succinct but faithful abridgment of the preamble of the edict.
These words might be skilfully selected in a political point of view; but when we recal the haughty language which Louis XIV had addressed to Victor Amadeus, to compel him to destroy his most faithful subjects, we cannot help noting in the latter a great want of dignity, in thus giving the name of distinguished favours to the shameful vassalage to which he was subjected by France. The following, however, is the enactive part of the edict which has so strange an introduction.
"For the preceding causes, and for other urgent reasons,[3] we have, of our perfect authority, certain knowledge, good pleasure, and absolute power, decreed as follow:--
"I. The Vaudois shall cease immediately and for ever from all the exercises of their religion.
"II. They are prohibited from holding religious meetings, under pain of death and confiscation of goods.
"III. All their ancient privileges are abolished.[4]
"IV. All their places of worship, places of prayer, and edifices set apart for their worship shall be razed.
"V. All the pastors and schoolmasters of the valleys shall be obliged to embrace Catholicism, or to quit the country within the space of fifteen days, under pain of death and confiscation of goods.
"VI. All the children born, and to be born of Protestant parents, shall he compulsorily educated as Catholics.
"Consequently, the parents to whom a child shall be born are required, within eight days from its birth, to present it to the priest of their parish, under pain, for the mother, of being publicly beaten with rods, and for the father, of five years of the galleys.
"VII. The Vaudois pastors who shall abjure the doctrine which they have hitherto preached, shall receive a pension one-third greater than they have previously enjoyed, with a reversion of one-half of this annuity to their widows.
"VIII. All foreign Protestants settled in Piedmont are ordained to become Catholics, or to leave the country within the space of fifteen days.
"IX. By a special act of his high and paternal clemency, the sovereign will permit them to sell, within that interval, the properties which they have acquired in Piedmont, on condition that the purchasers shall be Catholics only."
We would need to go back to that period, so widely different from our own, not to see in these pretences of clemency the language of insolent pride and cruelty, by which tyranny aggravated the revolting injustice of its acts. "The state! I am the state!" said sovereigns in those days. "The state! We are the state!" say the people now. May the hand of God aid them to the full attainment of their freedom! But the Bible tells us, that it is only if Christ make us free that we are free indeed; and so long as the spirit of Popery, striving against the Bible, shall cause its enervating yoke of superstition to press upon the degraded nations--so long as they consent to its tyranny over conscience and oppression of the mind, every pretence of liberty on their part will be a mockery. How can a man be free when his mind is enslaved? The Vaudois, who preserved the integrity of their religion at the expense of leaving their country, when it was trodden down by tyranny, carried with them more of independence than belongs to a people exempt from oppression, but destitute of moral energy and true liberty.
It is impossible to paint the profound consternation, the scenes of baseness and carnage, the tears of grief and anguish which filled the Vaudois valleys at this time. All the parishes were requested immediately to name delegates, who should meet at Angrogna, to consult for the defence of their common interests.
"Your first care," Janavel had said to his fellow-countrymen, "must be to address supplications to your sovereign." They recollected this advice. A petition was drawn up; but it remained unanswered. Three times they renewed their petition, which was lost in a silence as of death. With difficulty did they obtain a little delay in the execution of the edict of which they asked the revocation. At the same time, they wrote to Switzerland to solicit the advice, interposition, and sympathy of that generous nation, whom government had always been amongst the most active protectors of their people.
The first letter which the Helvetic government addressed to the court of Turin, in favour of the Vaudois, remained likewise unanswered. All the deputies of the Protestant cantons of that noble country then met in an extraordinary meeting at Baden.[5] They resolved to send commissioners to Piedmont without delay, with instructions actively to employ all means possible to save from complete ruin, the Israel of the Alps so cruelly menaced. These ambassadors extraordinary were Gaspard and Bernard De Murat, both of them councillors of state. They arrived in Turin in the beginning of the month of March, and immediately solicited an audience of Victor Amadeus, which was refused them.
But there was no time to be lost; the urgency of the French ambassador, the nuncio, and the Propaganda, allowed the duke no repose; the longer period which he had granted to the Vaudois was nearly expired. The persecuting zeal, which seemed at that time to have seized upon the public mind like some disease of the brain, had already hurried on some small bodies of Catholic volunteers to commence hostilities against the people of the valleys. The French troops, cantoned at Pignerol, waited with impatience for the signal. "There is nothing spoken of here but exterminating and destroying everything, and hanging great and small," wrote a French officer from Pignerol a few days before that date.[6]
In these partial encounters the mountaineers had had the advantage. But there were traitors among them; a French refugee, named Desmoulin, made known daily to the commandant of La Tour[7] the plans and arrangements of those who had sheltered him. "They are very impatient for battle," he wrote on the 4th of March. "The prisoners of Le Villar have been brought, part to Bobi and part to Angrogna.[8] They reckon upon 3000 combatants, and expect many foreigners."
To increase their strength by a powerful military organization, the Vaudois embodied the instructions which Janavel had sent them, in a sort of code of discipline: of which the following were the principal articles[9]:--
Article IV. Everyone is prohibited, under severe penalties, from using offensive language to another, from blaspheming the holy name of God, and from insulting the enemy by abusive words or useless cries.
Art. V. Debauchery, robbery, and other similar actions contrary to the law of God are severely prohibited. (The council of war was to judge of the penalties incurred and of their infliction.)
Art. IX. Care shall be taken to keep watch over those who shall behave as cowards in battle, or who do not choose to obey their officers, that they may be punished according to their disobedience.
Art. XIII. No one shall fire a musket unnecessarily, in order to spare the ammunition.
Art. XIV. Soldiers amongst whom any subject of dispute shall arise, must present themselves before their officers and report it for their decision.
Art. XV. Each officer shall be held answerable to the council of war for his soldiers.
Art. XX. The women and girls shall attend at the places of battle to bear off the sick and wounded, as well as to roll down stones when there is need.
It is appointed, moreover, that signals shall be established, by which they are to give notice to one another of the approach of an enemy. Slings and scythes are numbered amongst the weapons recommended. All the soldiers are required to assemble an hour before daylight, to be present under arms at morning prayer.
The singular simplicity of these articles brings prominently into view the manly and religious character of this people of the Alps; the courageous fervour of the sentiments which they breathe accord well with that of the hero of Rora, Janavel, who knew how to combine the calm intrepidity of the warrior with the humility and sobriety of the Christian; a strict regard to duty in the first place, and a deep sense of the wants of man appear, especially in these few lines, placed at the head of the regulations:--
"As the war which is commenced against us arises from hatred against our religion, and our sins are its cause, it is necessary that each one amend his ways; and that the officers be careful to cause good books to be read in the watching parties by those who are not actively employed, and to cause prayer to be made evening and morning, as is set down at the end of these articles."
Is it not remarkable to see the reading of good books, prayer, reserve, and moderation, put in the order of the day for an army on the point of battle? The daily prayer appointed to be said morning and evening in the Vaudois camp is also full of a humble and courageous faith, suitable to persons whose surest reliance is on the arm of God. We shall lay it before our readers when the course of events shall have brought us into the heroic camps of the Israel of the Alps.
But, before entering into conflict, the Vaudois were anxious to exhaust all means of conciliation. Already surrounded by the ducal and French troops, they knew not that Switzerland had sent ambassadors to defend their cause. These ambassadors themselves, not having been able to gain an audience of Victor Amadeus, drew up a memorial in strong language, reminding that young prince of the edicts which guaranteed liberty of conscience to the Vaudois, and representing to him that the faithful observance of treaties is the strength of states, and can alone secure their repose--that if the word of kings were no longer to be counted on, Protestant princes might treat their Catholic subjects as he himself treated his Protestant subjects--and that his own glory, humanity, justice, and the prosperity of Piedmont, were interested in his not making himself the destroyer and executioner of his own people, of whom he ought to be the protector, and to whom he had promised that he would be a father.
The Marquis of St. Thomas, one of the ministers of the Duke of Savoy, was charged with the duty of replying to this memorial. "The inhabitants of the valleys," he said to the ambassadors, "are guilty of having taken up arms against their sovereign, and can no longer be protected by the edicts to which you refer." "The Vaudois did not take up arms until they were attacked," replied the ambassadors, "and in this particular it is his highness himself who has been the first to break his engagements." "Other engagements by which we were strongly bound to the King of France have dictated our conduct," the minister went on to say. "Say not, then," replied the ambassadors, "that the Vaudois are guilty; and cease to persecute them." "Things are now too far advanced to leave any possibility of drawing back," said the Marquis of St. Thomas; "however," he added, "if the Vaudois choose to save appearances by conforming outwardly to the provisions of the edict of the 31st of January, things may perhaps be arranged."
These terms were too vague; and in accepting them the Vaudois would have placed themselves in a position as uncertain as their former one, and much less honourable. So thought the ambassadors, and rejected with dignity this proposal of temporizing and false appearances. Moreover, what assurance could have been entertained that this half promise, this hope held out without guarantee, would not have proved deceitful, when solemn edicts had been violated?
The ambassadors resolved to proceed in person to the valleys. A safe-conduct was granted them for this purpose. The Elector of Brandenburg, as well as Holland and England, addressed fresh representations to Victor Amadeus on the subject of the Vaudois. It might have been hoped that these things combined would have exercised a happy influence in their favour.
The Swiss commissioners arrived in the valley on the 22d of March, and immediately asked the representative of all the Vaudois communes to do them the favour of meeting with them on the morrow. This meeting took place at Le Chiabas. It was opened with a fervent prayer from the lips of Pastor Arnaud. Messrs. De Morat then stated all that they had done since their arrival at Turin, and inquired of the Vaudois what was their resolution. "Be so good as to give us your own advice," replied they. "Would you consent to quit your country," said the Swiss, "if we should obtain from Victor Amadeus permission for you to dispose of your properties and to leave his dominions with your Families? It is impossible to describe the stupor which seized the meeting upon this proposal. The Vaudois sought assistance, expected a conflict, hoped for victory; and now, before they had fought at all, it was proposed that they should submit to all the consequences of defeat. Even a defeat could be repaired; but exile involved the loss of their country, the ruin of their church, and a complete termination of their existence as a people.
The ambassadors strongly represented the impossibility of their rendering assistance in any way but by negotiations. "Your valleys," said they, "are inclosed by the dominions of your enemies; all the passes are guarded; no nation is in circumstances to make war with France upon your single account; no army could even penetrate hither; and as for yourselves, you have scarcely 3000 combatants; nevertheless you have more than 12,000 mouths, which you must feed; all your doings are watched; the regular troops wait only for the signal of massacre; how can you resist?"
But the love of their native country still struggled in the breasts of the Vaudois against the sad conviction which these words brought to their minds. "It would be cowardly," they exclaimed, "to lose courage in the presence of God, who has so often delivered our fathers, and who saved the people of Israel from so many dangers."--"It would be folly," replied the prudent diplomatists, "to count upon miraculous events now. It is impossible for you to contend against the greater force of your enemies; it is impossible for you to receive any assistance. Consider your situation. One way of escape from it remains for you. Would it not be better to transport to another place the lamp of the gospel, which has been intrusted to you, than to let it remain here to be extinguished in blood?" On these words the meeting was divided in opinion, and replied that it could not conclude any engagement on so grave a subject, without having consulted the whole people.[10]
The ambassadors could not wait for this decision, and returned to Turin. They requested a safe-conduct for Vaudois deputies to bring them the reply of the people, but this was refused. Their secretary therefore went for it to the valleys. He arrived there on the 28th of March. The assembly of the communes was holding constant sittings at Angrogna, where he found a great agitation prevailing. "Your case," said he to them, "grows worse every day. Louis XIV, through his ambassadors, expresses a burning rage at the procrastinations of the Duke of Savoy. The nuncio promises the duke the investiture of Masseran so soon as he shall act in this business; the Propaganda labour amongst the army and the people: make you haste to quit this country whilst you still have it in your power." "Who shall assure us," replied the Vaudois, "that they will not seek to destroy us whilst in separate groups we are passing out of the country? They have not respected the edicts which guaranteed our residence in these valleys; will they show more respect for the engagement by which they permit us to leave them?"
A memorial setting forth all these objections was addressed by the assembly to the ambassadors. The Vaudois added, in a private letter, that they left the matter to their decision. This letter was signed by nine ministers and eight laymen. The ambassadors now reported to the Marquis of St. Thomas, minister of foreign affairs, that they hoped to bring the Vaudois to the decision of quitting their native country, provided that they received a guarantee of perfect safety on their journey of emigration. To this proposal Victor Amadeus replied, through the Count of Marsenas, that the Vaudois having already taken up arms against him, had merited the most rigorous treatment; but that if they chose to send deputies to ask pardon, in name of the whole people, he would see what could be done.
The Messrs. De Morat expressed their surprise, that after having hitherto so obstinately refused to receive the Vaudois at Turin, he should now require their presence in that capital. Was it not intended, by forcing them to come and ask pardon, to bring them to own themselves guilty, in order that they might therefore be treated accordingly? But there was no time for hesitation; and they advised the Vaudois to show deference to their sovereign by conforming to his desires, rather than to irritate him still more by a refusal.
A safe-conduct was thereupon granted for the deputies from the valleys. The secretary of the embassy himself carried it to them. But the assembly of the communes, which still continued its sittings, was not yet prepared to resolve upon such a course. The greater part of the pastors were in favour of submission; the people preferred to defend themselves. The debates were prolonged without any result for a whole day. Next day a part of the Vaudois communes resolved to submit[11] and to send deputies to Turin; the rest persisted in their refusal.[12] These, however, also sent a deputy, but with instructions only to thank the Swiss embassy for their kind endeavours, declaring at the same time their resolution to defend themselves to their last breath.
The enemies of the Vaudois triumphed in this division; and to derive from it all possible advantage, they induced Victor Amadeus to sign an edict on the 9th of April, which treated the emigration of the Vaudois as a settled point.[13] It was published in the valleys on the 11th of April, and at first had only the effect of increasing the agitation which already prevailed there.
Three days after, the delegates of the communes assembled at Rocheplate to deliberate upon it, and agreed that the conditions imposed by this edict were such as could not be consented to. Accordingly, they unanimously agreed to resist to the utmost, to commit themselves to the care of Providence, and valiantly to defend their homes and their altars as their fathers had done. And so this measure, which had been adopted in order to disunite them, produced a contrary effect. The pastors, however, did not approve of this decision; and they wrote to the Messrs. De Morat to deplore the infatuation of their people, who were going to engage in a resistance that was desperate; but at the same time to say, that they were resolved not to abandon them.
The ambassadors, afflicted to see all that they had accomplished with such difficulty undone in a moment, made a last effort, and addressed a last appeal to the Israel of the Alps by a letter, in the most urgent terms, which was read from the pulpit in all the Vaudois parishes.
"Undoubtedly," said they, "one's native country has great attractions; but the heavenly inheritance is preferable to those of earth. You still have it in your power to leave your country, which is at once so dear and so fatal to you; you have in your power to carry away your families, to retain your religion, to avoid bloodshed; in the name of Heaven, then, do not obstinately set yourselves upon a useless resistance! Do not close against yourselves the last remaining path of escape from a total destruction!"
We may imagine what sort of effect these words must have produced on an audience partly composed of timid persons, old men, women, and children! All the churches of our valleys were full of weeping and sobs. But presently the grave voice of prayer rose alone above these lamentations. They implored the assistance and direction of God. Their breasts were calmed, their souls were strengthened; and confidence was re-established in their agitated minds.
A solemn assembly of all the delegates of the valleys was held at Rocheplate on the 19th of April. It renewed the declaration of the 14th, by which, on the ground of the righteousness of their cause, the Vaudois bound themselves to defend their country and their religion unto death. The meeting was held on Good Friday. "O Lord Jesus," said the pastor Arnaud, "who hast suffered so much and died for us, grant us grace that we may be able also to suffer and to sacrifice our lives for thee! Those who persevere to the end shall be saved. Let each of us exclaim with the apostle, 'I can do all things through Christ which strengtheneth me!'" It was resolved that the people of the valleys should be universally exhorted to repentance and amendment, so that they might humbly submit to the trials to which they were to be subjected, and that the Divine hand might be pleased to moderate their severity. Moreover, it was appointed that on the following Sabbath, being Easter-day, there should be celebrated in each parish, a solemn communion of all the children of these mountains--heroic disciples of the gospel, resolved to defend themselves against their base oppressors!
In some communes the concourse of people to this solemnity was so great, that the Lord's Supper was celebrated in the open air--an august and affecting ceremony, a sublime and mournful communion! Thus feeding upon their Saviour's sacrifice, the Vaudois bound themselves to brave torture, and to shed their blood in defence of his religion. They united at the footstool of the Lord in the same devotedness, the same love, and the same prayers. Alas! To the most of them it was the sacrament of the dying which they received on that occasion. To all of them it was the last communion at which they were to have it in their power to be present before the terrible catastrophe which we are now to relate, and which brought on the total dispersion of this heroic people, whose existence then seemed entirely at an end. But--like the two witnesses of the Apocalypse, who are called the "candlesticks standing before the God of the earth," and of whom we are told, that after having been overthrown for three days and a half they are re-animated by the spirit of life[14]--the Vaudois, these ancient depositaries of the Old and of the New Testament, these two heavenly witnesses, after three years of exile and apparent death, were to reconquer their native country, to re-appear on their mountains, and to set up again, no more to be removed, the symbolical candlestick of eternal truth on the bloody but blessed theatre of so many atrocious persecutions.
Notes: